BBECKINBIDGE    AND    LANE    CAMPAIGN    DOCUMENTS,  No.    4. 


SPEECH 


OF 


PRESIDENT    BUCHANAN, 


ON 


THE  EVENING  OF  MONDAY,  JULY  9,  1860. 


WASHINGTON    CITY: 

ISSUED  BY  THE  NATIONAL  DEMOCKATIC  EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE. 

1860. 


VTSIA1MAO   3D1AJL 


II  o  a 


. 


Ubimrr 

GEEAT  NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  DEMONSTRATION. 
« ... .  

THE   PEOPLE   BY   THOUSANDS   RATIFYING   THE   NOMINATIONS  OF' 

BRECKINRIDGE    AND    LANE. 


THE  CONSTITUTION  AND  THE  UNION  UPHELD. 


GRAND  AND  ENTHUSIASTIC  RALLY! 


SPEECH  OF  PRESIDENT  BUCHANAN. 





Oif  the  evening  of  Monday,  July  9,  1860, 
by  far  the  largest,  most  imposing,  and  en- 
thusiastic political  demonstration  that  has 
been  made  by  any  party  in  Washington  City, 
or  perhaps  in  the  country,  during  the  pres- 
ent campaign,  was1  made  in  the  large  square 
in  front  and  arb'tfrid  the  City  Hall  of  Wash- 
ington. The  people  were  out  by  thousands 
upon  thousands,  and  from  the  steps  of  the 
Hall  to  the  distant  sidewalks  opposite,  as 
well  as  up  and  down  the  street,  the  whole 
space  was  filled  by  an  enthusiastic,  eager, 
and  determined  multitude,  anxious  to  show 
their  devotion  to  the  national  cause.  The 
capital,  with  its  congregated  masses  from 
all  the  States,  sends  greeting  to  the  country. 

So  far  as  the  means  of  estimating  the 
numbers  of  the  crowd,  without  being  upon 
the  platform,  enable  us  to  judge,  we  have  no 
hesitation  in  saying  that  TEN  THOU- 
SAND people  were  gathered  in  the  space 
devoted  to  the  meeting.  The  outskirts  of 
tlie  multitude  were  not  within  hearing  dis- 
tance of  the  orators ! 

It  was  a  glorious  rally  of  the  democracy! 

If  the  temper  of  the  people  elsewhere  re- 
semble that  displayed  on  that  night,  our 
noble  candidates,  Messrs.  BRECKINRIDGE  and 
LANE  will  be  elected  by  the  popular  vote ! 

This  meeting  was  especially  significant  in 
many  aspects,  well  deserving  the  thoughtful 
attention  of  the  country.  It  was  presided 
over  by  the  Mayor  of  the  Metropolis ;  its 
various  officers  were  of  the  most  respectable 
and  leading  citizens,  chosen  from  every  pro- 
fession and  pursuit  of  life.  In  fact,  the  peo- 
ple of  the  District  of  Columbia  have  ren- 
dered the  verdict  of  the  "jury  of  the  vicin- 
age." 

Early  in  the  evening  a  considerable  assem- 
blage gathered  around  the  speakers'  stand, 
which  was  tastefully  decorated  with  a  full- 
length  portrait  of  the  National  Democratic 


nominees  on  each  side,  and  the  American 
flag  floating  above.  In  the  rear  of  the 
stand,  in  an  elevated  position  and  in  con- 
spicuous letters,  the  following  inscription 
was  visible : 

"  THE  CONSTITUTION  AND  THB  EQUALITY  OF 
STATES— THESE  ABE  THE  SYMBOLS  OF  EVERLAST- 
ING UNION.  LET  THESE  BK  THE  RALLYING  CRIES 
OF  THE  PEOPLE."— BRECKINRIDGE. 

Underneath  was — "  The  Sentiment  of  Our 
Candidate  :  the  Motto  of  Our  Party!" 

Below  the  stand  was — "  Equal  Protection, 
to  the  Citizens  of  the  States." 

Shortly  after  8  o'clock  the  Fifth  and  Sixth 
Ward  delegations,  forming  a  long  proces- 
sion, with  music,  banners,  and  fireworks, 
approached,  and  deposited  their  banners  in 
front  of  the  stand.  Among  the  sentiments 
inscribed  upon  the  banners  were  the  follow- 
ing : 

"Union  and  State  rights  —  Breckinridge  and 
Lane." 

"The  gallant  young  orator  of  Kentucky— the 
young  men  of  the  country  are  for  him." 

"  Joe  Lane.  An  honest  man's  the  noblest  work 
of  God.  The  true  democracy  delight  to  honor 
Mm." 

'•  Non-intervention  by  Congress  or  Territorial 
Legislatures." 

"  Democracy  is  good  for  all, 

And  *  Old  Abe '  must  have  a  dose  next  Fall." 

"  The  Union — we  love  it  for  the  memories  of  the 
past;  we  cling  to  it  for -the  blessings  of  the  pros 
ent," 

Soon  after  the  speaking  commenced,  the 
First  and  Second  Ward  delegations,  with 
the  delegation  from  Georgetown,  with  a  long 
line  of  transparent  banners,  and  preceded 
by  music,  joined  the  assembled  multitude, 
and  were  received  with  enthusiastic  cheers. 
The  foremost  transparency  in  this  proces- 
sion boi'e  the  couplet :  r-— 


"  Let  millions  join  the,  loud  refrain  — 
Hurrah  for  Breckiuridge  and  Lane  !  " 

And  other  mottoes  were  — 

"No  rail  party  or  Union  splitters!" 

"Cuba  must  be  ours  !  " 

"  Iron  bands  shall  soon  unite  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  !  " 

"  General  Joe  Lane,  the  Marion  of  the  Mexican 
war."  Cu.Q 

"Joe  Lane  was  fighting  the  battles  of  his  country 
in  Mexico  when  Abe  Lincoln  was  voting  against 
supplies  for  the  soldiers  !  " 

/  f  -  y 

The  following  we  take  at  random,  with- 
out undertaking  to  select  the  best,  and  we 
have  not  space  for  all  : 

n;Tcr    T 

"  General  Joseph  Lane  raised  the  siege  at  Pue- 

bla!" 

"  General  Lane,  the  Marion  of  the  Army!  " 

"  Breckinridge,  the  Man  of  Destiny  !  " 

'*  State    Sovereignty,    Honesty,   Fair    Dealing, 

Good  Money,  and  Low  Taxes  !  " 

At  8:30  P.  M.,  Mr.  William  Flinn  called 
the  meeting1  to  order,  and  nominated  the 
Hon.  James  G-.  Berrit,  Mayor  of  Washing- 
ton, as  presiding  officer,  who  was  enthusiasti- 
cally elected  to  that  position.  On  taking 
the  chair,  Col.  Berrit  made  a  few  appropri- 
ate remarks,  returning  thanks  to  the  assem- 
bled multitude  for  this  inark  of  their  confi- 
dence. 

The  organization  was  then  completed  by 
the  choice  of  the  following  gentlemen  : 

Vice  Presidents  —  William  T.  D.ove,  Jonah 
D.  Hoover,  William  W.  Corcoran,  John  M. 
Brodhead,  W.  B.  B.  Cross,  W.  D.  Davidge, 
J.  C.  McGuire,  Hugh  Caperton,  Dr.  B.  Boh- 
rer,  Alexander  Provest,  R.  W.  Carter,  W. 
H.  Thomas,  T.  J.  Fisher,  Esau  Pickrell.  Jno. 
F.  Coyle,  C.  W.  C.  Dunrdngton.Dr.  C.  Boyle, 
T.  Hutchinson,  Dr.  A.  W.  Miller,  Z.  D.  Oil- 
man, F.  McNerhany,  C.  S.  Wallach,  Wm. 
5>rown,  Dr.  F.  B.  Culver1,  S.  Pumphrey,  B. 
Ii.  Curran,  William  E.  Spalding,  Reuben 
iry,  Joseph  Ilamlin,  G.  E.  Jillard,  John 
Pettibonc,  J.  W.  Drane,  G.  A.  Bohrer,  G.  E. 
•Kirk,  and  Andrew  Coyle. 

Secretaries—  J.  E.  Kendall,  E.  B.  Rob- 
ins, Thos.  W.  Berry,  Wm.  J.  Donohoo, 
James  Espey,  L.  F.  Clarke,  J.  M.  Stake,  J. 
D.  0:  Donnefl,  W.  G.  Hunt,  James  Maguire, 
ami  Frank  Reilly. 

Walter  Lenox,  ESC&.,  submitted  the  follow- 
ing' resolutions,  which  were  unanimo'usly 
adopted  : 

Resolved  by  the  Democratic  citizens  of 
the  District  of  Columbia,  That  they  view 
with  deep  anxiety  the  present  distracted  con- 
dition of  the  country  ;'  that  they  'esteem  it  to 
be  the  duty  of  every  citizen,  North  and 
South,  to  sacrifice  his  party  and  personal 
prejudices,  and  to  unite  in  one  common,  earn- 
est effort  to  suppress  domestic  strife,  and  to 


restore  to  our  beloved  land  the  blessings  of 
peace  and  tranquillity. 

Resolved,  That  the  principles  of  the  Na- 
tional Democratic  party,  agreed  to  at  the 
National  Democratic  Convention  which  as- 
fcembled  at  the  Maryland  Institute,  Balti- 
more, have  our  most  hearty  and  cordial  con- 
currence. 

Resolved,  That  we  reprobate  and  condemn 
the  intolerant  and'  anti-democratic  action 
taken  by  the  Convention  at  the  Front  Street 
Theatre,  Baltimore,  in  excluding  the  regu- 
larly elected .  delegates  from  several  of  the 
sovereign  States  of  this  Union ;  that  we 
deem  such  action  revolutionary  and  disor- 
ganizing in  its  character,  and  as  justly  de- 
serving the  condemnation  of  the  American 
democracy. 

Resolved,  That  we  render  our  special 
thanks  to  the  members-  of  the  Convention 
for  presenting  the  names  of  John  C.  Breck- 
inridge, of  Kentucky,  and  Joseph  Lane,  of 
Oregon,  for  the  offices  of  President  and  Vice- 
President — citizens  worthy  not  only  of  their 
party,  but  of  their  country.  Ripe  in  coun- 
cil, earnest,  in  action,  disciplined  in  the 
school  of  life  by  its  stern  realities,  clear  in 
their  robes  of  office,  they  stand  forth  proud 
exemplars  of  the  nobility  of  American  citi- 
zens-Jiip.  In  their  lives  and  characters  we 
have  the  highest  .guarantees  that  under  their 
guidance  the  honor  of  the  country  would  be 
maintained  abroad,  its  prosperity  and  peace 
upheld  'at  home. 

Resolved,  That  we  sternly  condemn  the 
doctrines  and  purposes  of  the  political  party 
known  as  the  Black  Republican.  We  re- 
gard them  as  subversive  of  the  Constitution, 
the  rights  of  the  slaveholding  States,  and 
this  District.  Of  necessity,  they  foment 
strife  between  the  North  and  the  South,  in- 
terrupt the  peaceful  flow  of  their  business 
intercourse,  and  if  persisted  in,  directly  or 
indirectly,  must  endanger  the  perpetuity  of 
the  Union,  bringing  not  only  dishonor  upon 
the  American  name,  but  untold  calamities 
upon  our  country.  To  repel  such  a  foe  from 
the  citadel  of  the  "  Constitution,"  to  pre- 
serve the  "Union"  of  pur  Fathers,  and,  as 
we  trust,  pf  our  children's  children,  let  us 
all,  citizens  by  birth  or  adoption,  stand 
pledged  heart  with  heart,  hand  in  hand. 

Resolved,  That,  both  as  fellow-democrats 
and  as  citizens  and  neighbors,  it  is  a  most 
pleasing  and  grateful  duty  to  express  our 
high  estimation  of  the  ability  and  integrity 
with  which  our  Government  has  been  ad- 
ministered by  our  venerable  ajid  experienced 
President,  JAMES  BUCHANAN.  We  approve 
the  policy  of  his  administration,  and  we  be- 
lieve that  his  maligners  and  traducers  will 
only  be  saved  from  oblivion,  if  saved  at  all, 
by  the  record  of  their  infamous  assaults  or. 
his  personal  character  and  public  adminis- 
tration. 


The  meeting  was  then  addressed  by  James 
M.  Carlisle,  Esq.,  a  distinguished  member 
of  the  Washington  bar,  the  Hon.  A.  B.  Meek, 
of  Mobile,  Ala.,  Hon.  Isaac  I.  Stevens,  of 
Washington  Territory,  Hon.  A.  O.  Brown, 
.and  Hon.  Jefferson  Davis,  U.  S.  Senators  from 
Mississippi,  and  the  Hon.  Thomas  B.  Flo- 
rence, of  Pennsylvania. 

Numerous  'letters  were  received  from  dis- 
tinguished gentlemen,  regretting  their  in- 
ability to  attend.  Amongst  them  one  from 
a,  distinguished  Statesman  of  the  Empire 
State,  as  follows  :  — 

"  BINGHAMTON,  July  6,  1860. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  am  duly  honored  by 
your  favor  of  the  3d,  inviting  me  to  attend 
and  address  a  democratic  meeting  at  Wash- 
ington on  the  9th,  called  to  ratify  the  nomi- 
nations of  Breckinridge  and  Lane  by  the  Na- 
tional Democratic  Convention  at  Baltimore. 
I  thank  you  for  your  courteous  invitation, 
and  regret  that  circumstances  prevent  its 
acceptance,  for  I  have  some  things  to  say  to 
the  whole  people  of  this  Union,  and  I  would 
prefer  to  say  them  at  the  national  capital. 
But  I  am  engaged,  if  I  can  leave  home,  to 
speak  in  New  York  city  on  the  10th,  and 
oannot  consistently  visit  both  places  now. 

I  shall  support  the  nomination  of  Breck- 
inridge and  Lane  not  only  because  I  regard 
them  as  personally  and  politically  worthy, 
but  because  their  nomination  emanates  from 
States  which  can  give  democratic  votes  in 
the  electoral  college,  and  because  they  are, 
therefore,  representatives  of  democracy  and 
its  principles. 

"  Sincerely  yours,   • 

"  D.  S.  DICKINSON." 

HON.  ISAAC  I.  STEVENS,  Chairman  Com- 
mittee, &c. 

The  vast  assemblage  then  gave  three  en- 
thusiastic cheers  for  the  nominees,  and  ad- 
journed to  the  Executive  Mansion  to  pay 
their  respects  to  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the 
nation.  On  arriving  there,  the  baud  per- 
formed some  spirit-stirring  airs,  when  the 
President  appeared,  and  spoke  as  follows  : — 

FRIENDS  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS  :  I  thank 
you  from  my  heart  for  the  honor  of  this  visit. 
I  cordially  congratulate  you  on  the  prefer- 
ence which  you  have  expressed  for  Major 
Breckinridge  and  General  Lane  as  candi- 
dates for  the  presidency  and  vice-presidency 
of  the  United  States  over  all  competitors. 
[Applause.]  They  are  men  whose  names 
are  known  to  the  country ;  they  need  no 
eulogy  from  me.  They  have  served  their 
country  in  peace  and  in  war.  They  are 
statesmen  as  well  as  soldiers,  and  in  the  day 
and  hour  of  danger  they  will  ever  be  at  their 
post.  They  are  conservative  men;  and  in 
the  course  of  their  administration  they  will 
be  equally  just  to  the  North  and  to  the  South, 
to  the  East  and  to  the  West.  [Applause.] 


Above  all,  and  first  of  all,  they  are  friends 
of  the  Constitution  and  of  the  Union, 
[cheers,]  and  they  will  stand  by  them  to  the 
death.  [Renewed  cheers.]  But  we  ought 
not  to  forget  that  they  are  also  friends  to  the 
equality  of  the  sovereign  States  of  this  Union 
in  the  common  Territories  of  the  country. 
[Cries  of  "  Good  !"]  They  will  maintain  that 
principle,  which  should  receive  the  cordial 
approbation  of  us  all.  Equality  is  equity. 
Every  citizen  of  the  United  States  is  equal 
before  the  Constitution  and  the  Laws  ;  and 
why  should  not  the  equality  of  the  sovereign 
States  composing  this  Union  be  held  in  like 
reverence  ?  This  is  good  democratic  doc- 
trine. Liberty  and  equality  are  the  birth- 
right of  every  American  citizen  ;  and  just  as 
certainly  as  the  day  succeeds  the  night,  so 
certainly  will  this  principle  of  democratic  jus- 
tice eventually  prevail  over  all  opposition. 
[Cheers.]  But,  before  I  speak  further  upon 
this  subject- — and  I  shall  not  detain  you  very 
long — I  wish  to  remove  one  stumbling-block 
out  of  the  way. 

I  have  ever  been  the  friend  of  regular  no- 
minations. I  have  never  struck  a  political 
ticket*in  my  life.  Now,  was  there  anything 
done  at  Baltimore  to  bind  the  political  con- 
science of  any  sound  democrat,  or  to  prevent 
him  from  supporting  Breckinridge  or  Lane  ? 
["  No  !  no  !"]  I  was  contemporary  with  the 
abandonment  of  the  old  Congressional  conven- 
tion or  caucus.  This  occurred  a  long  time 
ago;  very  few,  if  any,  of  you  remember  it. 
Under  the  old  Congressional  convention  sys- 
tem, no  person  was  admitted  to  a  seat  ex- 
cept the  democratic  members  of  the  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives.  This  rule 
rendered  it  absolutely  certain  that  the  nomi- 
nee, whoever  he  might  be,  would  be  sus- 
tained at  the  election  by  the  democratic 
States  of  the  Union.  By  this  means  it  was 
rendered  impossible  that  those  States  which 
could  not  give  an  electoral  vote  for  the  can- 
didate when  nominated,  should  control  the 
nomination  and  dicta'te  to  the  democratic 
States  who  should  be  their  nominee. 

This  system  was  abandoned  —  whether 
wisely  or  not,  I  shall  express  no  opinion. 
The  National  Convention  was  substituted  in 
its  stead.  All  the  States,  whether  demo- 
cratic or  not,  were  equally  to  send  delegates 
to  this  Convention  according  to  the  number 
of  their  senators  and  representatives  in 
Congress. 

A  difficulty  at  once  arose  which  never 
could  have  arisen  under  the  Congressional 
convention  system.  If  a  bare  majority  of 
the  National  Convention  thus  composed  could 
nominate  a  candidate,  he  might  be  nomi- 
nated mainly  by  the  anti-democratic  States 
against  the  will  of  a  large  majority  of  the 
democratic  States.  Thus  the  nominating 
power  would  be  separated  from  the  electing 


6 


power,  which  could  not  fail  to  be  destructive 
to  the  strength  and  harmony  of  the  demo- 
cratic party. 

To  obviate  this  serious  difficulty  in  the 
organization  of  a  National  Convention,  and 
at  the  same  time  to  leave  all  the  States  their 
full  vote,  the  two-thirds  rule  was  adopted. 
It  was  believed  that  under  this  rule  no  can- 
didate could  ever  be  nominated  without  era- 
bracing  within  the  two-thirds  the  votes  of  a 
decided  majority  of  the  democratic  States. 
This  was  the  substitute  adopted  to  retain,  at 
least  in  a  great  degree,  the  power  to  the  de- 
mocratic States  which  they  would  have  lost 
by  abandoning  the  congressional  convention 
system.  This  rule  was  a  main  pillar  in  the 
edifice  of  national  conventions.  Remove  it 
and  the  whole  must  become  a  ruin.  This 
sustaining  pillar  was  broken  to  pieces  at 
Baltimore  by  the  Convention  which  nomi- 
nated Mr.  Douglas.  After  this  the  body 
•was  no  longer  a  national  convention  ;  and 
no  democrat,  however  devoted  to  regular 
nominations,  was  bound  to  give  the  nominee 
his  support ;  he  was  left  free  to  act  according 
to  the  dictates  of  his  own  judgment  and  con- 
science. And  here,  in  passing,  I  may  ob- 
serve that  the  wisdom  of  the  two-thirds  rule 
is  justified  by  the  events  passing  around  us. 
Had  it  been  faithfully  observed  no  candi- 
date could  have  been  nominated  against  the 
will  and  wishes  of  almost  every  certain  demo- 
cratic State  in  the  Union,  against  nearly 
all  the  democratic  senators,  and  more  than 
three-fourths  of  the  democratic  representatives 
in  Congress.  [Cheers.] 

I  purposely  avoid  entering  upon  any  dis- 
cussion respecting  the  exclusion  from  the 
Convention  of  regularly-elected  delegates 
from  different  democratic  States.  If  the 
Convention,  which  nominated  Mr.  Douglas, 
was  not  a  regular  democratic  Convention,  it 
must  be  confessed  that  Breckinridge  is  in 
the  same  condition  in  that  respect.  The 
Convention  that  nominated  him,  although  it 
was  composed  of  nearly  all  the  certain  de- 
mocratic States,  did  not  contain  the  two- 
thirds  ;  and  therefore  every  democrat  is  at 
perfect  liberty  to  vote  as  he  thinks  proper, 
without  running  counter  to  any  regular  no- 
mination of  the  party.  [Applause  and  cries 
of  "  three  cheers  for  Breckinridge  and 
Lane."]  Holding  this  position,  I  shall  pre- 
sent some  of  the  reasons  why  I  prefer  Mr. 
Breckinridge  to  Mr.  Douglas.  This  I  shall 
do  without  attempting  to  interfere  with  any 
individual  democrat  or  any  State  demo- 
cratic organization  holding  different  opinions 
from  myself.  The  main  object  of  all  good 
democrats,  whether  belonging  to  the  ono 
or  the  other  wing  of  our  unfortunate  divi- 
sion, is  to  defeat  the  election  of  the  republi- 
can candidates  ;  and  I  shall  never  oppose 
any  honest  and  honorable  course  calculated 
to  accomplish  this  object. 


To  return  to  the  point  from  which  I  have 
digressed,  I  am  in  favor  of  Mr.  Breckin- 
ridge, because  he  sanctions  and  sustains  the 
perfect  equality  of  all  the  States  within  their 
common  territories,  and  the  opinion  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  estab- 
lishing this  equality.  The  sovereign  States 
of  this  Union  are  one  vast  partnership.  The 
Territories  were  acquired  by  the  common 
blood  and  common  treasure  of  them  all. 
Each  State,  and  each  citizen  of  each  State, 
has  the  same  right  in  the  Territories  as  any 
other  State  and  the  citizens  of  any  other 
State  possess.  Now  what  is  sought  for  at 
present  is,  that  a  portion  of  these  States 
should  turn  around  to  their  sister  States  and 
say,  "We  are  holier  than  you  are,  and  while 
we  will  take  our  property  to  the  Territories 
and  have  it  protected  there,  you  shall  not 
place  your  property  in  the  same  position." 
That  is  precisely  what  is  contended  for. 
What  the  democratic  party  maintain,  and 
what  is  the  true  principle  of  democracy  is,  that 
all  shall  enjoy  the  same  rights,  and  that  all 
shall  be  subject  to  the  same  duties.  Pro- 
perty— this  Government  was  framed  for  the 
protection  of  life,  liberty,  and  property. 
They  are  the  objects  for  the  protection  of 
which  all  enlightened  governments  were 
established.  But  it  is  sought  now  to  place 
the  property  of  the  citizen,  under  what  is 
called  the  principle  of  squatter  sovereignty, 
in  the  power  of  the  territorial  legislature  to 
confiscate  it  at  their  will  and  pleasure.  That 
is  the  principle  sought  to  be  established  at 
present ;  and  there  seems  to  be  an  entire 
mistake  and  misunderstanding  among  a  por- 
tion of  the  public  upon  this  subject.  When 
was  property  ever  submitted  to  the  will  of 
the  majority?  ["Never."]  If  you  hold 
property  as  an  individual,  you  hold  it  inde- 
pendent of  Congress  or  of  the  State  legisla- 
ture, or  of  the  territorial  legislature — it  is 
yours,  and  your  Constitution  was  made  to 
protect  your  private  property  against  the 
assaults  of  legislative  power.  [Cheers.] 
Well,  now,  any  set  of  principles  which  will 
deprive  you  of  your  property,  is  against  the 
very  essence  of  republican  government,  and 
to  that  extent  makes  you  a  slave ;  for  the 
man  who  has  power  over  your  property  to 
confiscate  it,  has  power  over  your  means  of 
subsistence ;  and  yet  it  is  contended,  that 
although  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
confers  no  such  power — although  no  State 
legislature  has  any  such  power,  yet  a  terri- 
torial legislature,  in  the  remote  extremities 
of  the  country,  can  confiscate  your  property! 

[A  VOICE.  "  They  can't  do  it;  they  ain't 
going  to  do  it."] 

There  is  but  one  mode,  and  one  alone,  to 
abolish  slavery  in  the  Territories.  That 
mode  is  pointed  out  in  the  Cincinnati  plat- 
form, which  has  been  as  much  misrepre- 
sented as  anything  I  have  ever  known. 


That  platform  declares  that  a  majority  of 
the  actual  residents  in  a  Territory,  when- 
over  their  number  is.  sufficient  to  entitle 
them  to  admission  as  a  State,  possess  the 
power  to  "form  a  constitution  with  or  with- 
out domestic  slavery,  to  be  admitted  into 
the  Union  upon  terms  of  perfect  equality 
with  the  other  States/'  If  there  be  squatter 
sovereignty  in  this  resolution  I  have  never 
been  able  to  perceive  it.  If  there  be  any 
reference  in  it  to  a  Territorial  legislature  it 
has  entirely  escaped  my  notice.  It  pre- 
sents the  clear  principle  that,  at  the  time 
the  people  form  their  constitution,  they  shall 
then  decide  whether  they  will  have  slavery 
or  not.  And  yet  it  has  been  stated  over 
and  over  again  that,  in  accepting  the  nomi- 
nation under  that  platform,  I  endorsed  the 
doctrine  of  squatter  sovereignty.  I  suppose 
you  have  all  heard  this  repeated  a  thousand 
times. 

[A  VOICE.   "  We  all  knew  it  was  a  lie  !"] 

Well,  I  am  glad  you  did. 

How  beautifully  this  plain  principle  of 
constitutional  law  corresponds  with  the  best 
interests  of  the  people!  Under  it,  emigrants 
from  the  North  and  the  South,  from  the 
East  and  the  West  proceed  to  the  Territo- 
ries. They  carry  with  them  that  property 
which  they  suppose  will  best  promote  their 
material  interests  ;  they  live  together  in 
peace  and  harmony.  The  question  of  sla- 
very will  become  a*foregone  conclusion  be- 
fore they  have  inhabitants  enough  to  enter 
the  Union  as  a  State.  There  will  then  be 
no  "  bleeding  Kansas  "  in  the  Territories ; 
they  will  all  live  together  in  peace  and 
harmony,  promoting  the  prosperity  of  the 
Territory  and  their  own  prosperity,  until 
the  time  shall  arrive  when  it  becomes  neces- 
sary to  frame  a  constitution.  Then  the 
whole  question  -will  be  decided  to  the  gene- 
ral satisfaction.  But,  upon  the  opposite 
principle,  what  will  you  find  in  the  Terri- 
tories ?  Why,  there  will  be  strife  and  con- 
tention all  the  time.  One  Territorial  legis- 
lature may  establish  slavery  and  another 
Territorial  legislature  may  abolish  it,  and 
so  the  struggle  will  be  continued  through- 
out the  ^Territorial  existence.  The  people, 
instead  of  devoting  their  energies  and  in- 
dustry to  promote  their  own  prosperity,  will 
be  in  a  state  of  constant  strife  and  turmoil, 
just  as  we  have  witnessed  in  Kansas. 
Therefore,  there  is  no  possible  principle 
that  can  be  so  injurious  to  the  best  interests 
of  a  Territory  as  what  has  been  called 
squatter  sovereignty. 

Now,  let  me  place  the  subject  before  you 
in  another  point  of  view.  The  people  of 
the  Southern  States  can  never  abandon  this 
great  principle  of  State  equality  in  the 
Union  without  self-degradation.  ["  Never !"] 
Never  without  an  acknowledgment  that 
they  are  inferior  in  this  respect  to  their 


sister  States.  Whilst  it  is  vital  to  them  to 
preserve  their  equality,  the  Northern  States 
surrender  nothing  by  admitting  this  princi 
pie.  In  doing  this  they  only  yield  obedi- 
ence to  the  Constitution  of  their  country  as 
expounded  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States.  While  for  the  North  it  is 
comparatively  a  mere  abstraction,  with  the 
South  it  is  a  question  of  co-equal  State 
sovereignty  in  the  Union. 

If  the  decrees  of  the  high  tribunal  es- 
tablished by  the  Constitution  for  the  very 
purposes  are  to  be  set  at  naught  and  dis- 
regarded, it  will  tend  to  render  all  property 
of  every  description  insecure.  What,  then, 
have  the  North  to  do  ?  Merely  to  say  that, 
as  good  citizens,  they  will  yield  obedience 
to  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and 
admit  the  right  of  a  Southern  man  to  take 
his  property  into  the  Territories,  and  hold 
it  there,  just  as  a  Northern  man  njay  do  ; 
and  it  is  to  me  the  most  extraordinary 
thing  in  the  world  that  this  country  should 
now  be  distracted  and  divided  because  cer- 
tain persons  at  the  North  will  not  agree 
that  their  brethren  at  the  South  shall  have 
the  same  rights  in  the  Territories  which 
they  enjoy.  What  would  I,  as  a  Pennsyl- 
vanian,  say  or  do,  supposing  anybody  was 
to  contend  that  the  legislature  of  any  .Ter- 
ritory could  outlaw  iron  and  coal  within  the 
Territory  ?  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  The 
principle  is  precisely  the  same.  The  Su- 
preme Court  of  the  United  States  have  de- 
cided— what  was  known  to  us  all  to  have 
been  the  existing  State  of  aifairs  for  fifty 
years — that  slaves  are  property.  Admit 
that  fact,  and  you  admit  everything.  Then 
that  property  in  the  Territories  must  be 
protected  precisely  in  the  same  manner 
with  any  other  property.  If  it  be  not  so 
protected  in  the  Territories,  the  holders  of 
it  are  degraded  before  the  world. 

We  have  been  told  that  non-intervention 
on  the  part  of  Congress  with  slavery  in  the 
Territories  is  the  true  policy.  Very  well. 
I  most  cheerfully  admit  that  Congress  has 
no  right  to  pass  any  law  to  establish,  impair 
or  abolish  slavery  in  the  Territories.  Let 
this  principle  or  non-intervention  be  ex- 
tended to  the  Territorial  legislatures,  and  let 
it  be  declared  that  they  in  like  manner  have 
no  power  to  establish,  impair  or  destroy 
slavery,  and  then  the  controversy  is  in  ef- 
fect ended.  This  is  all  that  is  required  at 
present,  and  I  verily  believe  all  that  will 
ever  be  required.  Hands  off  by  Congress 
and  hands  off  by  the  Territorial  legislature. 
[Loud  applause.]  With  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States  I  hold  that  neither 
Congress  nor  the  Territorial  legislature  has 
any  power  to  establish,  impair,  or  abolish 
slavery  in  the  Territories.  But  if,  in  the 
face  of  this  positive  prohibition,  the  Terri- 
torial legislature  should  exercise  the  power 


8 


of  intervening,  then  this  would  be  a  mere 
transfer  of  the  Wilmot  proviso  and  the 
Buffalo  platform  from  Congress,  to  be  car* 
ried  into  execution  in  the  Territories  to  the 
destruction  of  all  property  in  slaves.  [Re- 
newed applause.] 

An  attempt  of  this  kind,  if  made  in  Con- 
gress, would  be  resisted  by  able  men  on  the 
floor  of  both  houses,  and  probably  defeated. 
Not  so  in  a  remote  Territory.  To  every 
new  Territory  there  will  be  a  rush  of  free- 
soilers  from  the  Northern  States.  They 
would  elect  the  first  Territorial  legislature 
before  the  people  of  the  South  could  arrive 
with  their  property,  and  this  legislature 
would  probably  settle  forever  the  question 
of  slavery  according  to  their  own  will. 

And  shall  we  for  the  sake  of  squatter 
sovereignty,  which,  from  its  nature,  can 
only  continue  during  the  brief  period  of 
Territorial  existence,  incur  the  risk  of  di- 
viding the  great  Democratic  party  of  the 
country  into  two  sectional  parties,  the  one 
North  and  the  other  South?  Shall  this 
great  party  which  has  governed  the  country 
in  peace  and  war,  which  has  raised  it  from 
humble  beginnings  to  be  one  of  the  most 
prosperous  arid  powerful  nations  in  the 
world — shall  this  party  be  broken  up  for 
such  a  cause  ?  That  is  the  question.  The 
numerous,  powerful,  pious  and  respectable 
Methodist  Church  has  been  thus  divided. 
Tb,e  division  was  a  severe  shock  to  the 
Union.  A  similar  division  of  the  great 
Democratic  party,  should  it  continue,  would 
rend  asunder  one  of  the  most  powerful  links 
which  binds  the  Union  together. 

I  entertain  no  such  fearful  apprehensions. 
The  present  issue  is  transitory,  and  will 
speedily  pass  away.  In  the  nature  of  things 
it  cannot  continue.  There  is  but  one  pos- 
sible contingency  which  can  endanger  the 
Union,  and  against  this  all  Democrats, 
whether  squatter  sovereigns  or  popular 
sovereigns,  will  present  a  united  resistance. 
Should  the  time  ever  arrive  when  Northern 
agitation  and  fanaticism  shall  proceed  so  far 
as  to  render  the  domestic  firesides  of  the? 
South  insecure,  then  and  not  till  then  will 
the  Union  be  in  danger.  A  united  North- 


ern Democracy  will  present  a  wall  of  firo 
against  such  a  catastrophe  ! 

There  are  in  our  midst  numerous  persons- 
who  predict  the  dissolution  of  the  great 
Democratic  party,  and  others  who  contend 
that  it  has  already  been  dissolved.  Th«; 
wish  is  father  to  the  thought.  It  has  been 
heretofore  in  great  peril  ;  but  when  divided! 
for  the  moment,  it  has  always  closed  up  its 
ranks  and  become  more  powerful,  even 
from  defeat.  It  will  never  die  whilst  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union  survive.  It  will 
live  to  protect  and  defend  both.  It  has  its 
roots  in  the  very  vitals  of  the  Constitution, 
and,  like  one  of  the  ancient  cedars  of  Leba- 
non, it  will  flourish  to  afford  shelter  and 
protection  to  that  sacred  instrument,  and  to 
shield  it  against  every  storm  of  faction. 
[Renewed  applause.] 

Now,  friends  and  fellow-citizens,  it  is  pro- 
bable that  this  is  the  last  political  speech 
that  I  shall  ever  make.  [A  voice,  "  "We 
hope  not !"]  It  is  now  nearly  forty  years 
since  I  first  came  to  Washington  as  a  mem- 
ber of  Congress,  and  I  wish  to  say  this 
night,  that  during  that  whole  period  I  have 
received  nothing  but  kindness  and  attention 
from  your  fathers  and  from  yourselves. 
Washington  was  then  comparatively  a  small 
towfl ;  now  it  has  grown  to  be  a  great  and 
beautiful  city  ;  and  the  first  wish  of  my 
heart  is  that  its  citizens  may  enjoy  uninter- 
rupted health  and  prosperity.  I  thank  you 
for  the  kind  attention  you  have  paid  to  me, 
and  now  bid  you  all  a  good  night.  [Pro- 
longed cheering.] 

The  Hon.  Howell  Cobb  being  loudly 
called  for,  responded  in  a  few  brief  remarks, 
cordially  endorsing  the  nominations  of 
Breckinridge  and  Lane. 

The  immense  procession  then  moved  to 
the  residence  of  our  candidate  for  the  Pre- 
sidency, the  Hon.  John  C.  Breckinridge, 
and  serenaded  him,  which  compliment  was 
appropriately  acknowledged  by  him. 

Thus  closed  one  of  the  most  enthusiastic 
demonstrations  of  the  Democracy  that  has 
ever  been  witnessed  in  the  Federal  Metro- 
polis. 


